ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER TEORİLERİ I - Deneme Sınavı - 2

Jeremy Bentham is one of the thinkers who claim that the principle of utilitarianism should be obeyed to reach to the best

Social contract theory depends on the assumption that the individuals might voluntarily bind themselves to the certain principles.

John Locke is one of the thinkers who developed the social contract theory.

The principle of non-intervention involves the right of every sovereign State to conduct its affairs without outside interference;

The concept of just war was dealt by thinkers such as Augustine, Cicero, Aquinas, Suareaz, and Vitoria but not by Bentham.

Self-determination is about the right of the people of a particular place to choose the form of their government.

Keohane asserts that hegemony can assist in the establishment of cooperation, but also that cooperation is possible without hegemony as long as regimes exist to guide the way to such cooperation. Regimes merely regularize expectations. In addition, the rights and rules of cooperation may not be explicit, but may also arise from convergent expectations or even conflict.

Realists explain peace and order within IRT theory through the concepts of national interest and selfish interest. Functional theories explain it through the benefits of international organizations. Liberals, however, assert that peace and order can only be achieved by the increase in the number of democratic states.

While liberal institutionalists assert that regimes promote the common good for all parties involved, promoting globalization and a liberal world order, realists assert that power is the central figure of regime formation and survival which therefore means that regimes generate differential benefits for states depending on which states the regimes benefit the most.

While safe passage and the security of aid workers may be subject to international regimes, the act of providing humanitarian aid to war zones, famines and natural disasters is a unilateral decision that does not jeopardize the interests of others. Similarly, coalitions are established for humanitarian aid in which all states providing aid (and often the state receiving aid) have a common interest to behave similarly, negating the necessity for an international regime.

Stone argues that regime theories are constructed on the theory of hegemony that refers to asymmetric relations among states, and therefore it derived from the American hegemony that began after WW II.

Regimes themselves are products of efforts to conciliate conflicting interests. The other options would all be limiting factors that would dissuade or prevent a state from establishing regimes.

Regimes are established on the basis of cooperation in the international system. The reasoning and benefits to such cooperation is approached differently by realists and liberals. Realists assume regimes create differential benefits while liberals assume they promote the common good.

David Ricardo (1772-1823) is a representative for economic liberalism.

That is, states should produce and export those products which they can produce most efficiently, relative to other states. If international trade is free and is away from certain restrictions, it is believed that all nations win in the final analysis out of a great amount of international exchanges. This way, nations also get to know each other, cultural exchanges can occur, stereotypes can be reduced, and peace can spread all over the world.

The nationalists believe that closing off an economy to external influences can be beneficial to growth and economic progress. Thus, economic nationalism can be defined as a mixture of trade protectionism and economic planning, with an aim to preserve national interests in the context of world markets.

Marx and Engels started their critiques of the capitalist system by examining the most advanced
capitalist nations at that time, namely the Great Britain and Prussia. To them, advanced capitalism
divides people into several classes, two of which are especially important: the capitalists and the workers, or the rich and the poor. The capitalists own everything, have all the power and all the
money, whereas the workers do all the work, but have no power and no money. (A)

The main theorists of economic nationalism are Alexander Hamilton (1780-1804), the first United
States Secretary of the Treasury, who wrote The Report on the Subject of Manufactures (1791) and Friedrich List (1789-1846), a Prussian economist, who wrote The National System of Political Economy (1841). According to them, the simple formula is that industrial power equals national power and national power equals independence (Hamilton, 2001; List, 1991). (B)

Advocates of MNCs argue that they create job opportunities for many and technologically advanced goods. It is also said that MNCs tend to establish operations in markets where their capital is most efficient or wages are lowest. By producing the same quality of goods at lower costs, multinationals reduce prices and increase the purchasing power of consumers worldwide.

The illicit market refers, in a generic sense, to economic activities that circumvent the institutional rules. To be more specific, what makes a market illicit can either be the illegal nature of goods and services themselves, or the illegal ways of their transaction. Thus, illicit market activities may include the illegal movement of commodities to evade tariffs, trade restrictions and sanctions, or
the illegal movements of the banned materials, like drugs, human organs, endangered species, even protected intellectual property.

Uruguay Round took seven and a half years, almost twice the original schedule. By the end, 123 countries were taking part. It covered almost all trade, from toothbrushes to pleasure boats, from banking to telecommunications, from the genes of wild rice to AIDS treatments. It was the largest
trade negotiation ever, and most probably the largest negotiation of any kind in history.

The term 'English School' was first coined by Roy Jones in a 1981 article titled 'The English School of International Relations: A Case for Closure' in which Jones argued that a group of scholars, basically gathered at the London School of Economics, could be taken as forming a distinct school of international relations and this could could be referred to as the 'English School'.