ULUSLARARASI GÜVENLİK

Critical Security Studies (CSS) is an umbrella term for a range of approaches which seek to challenge the orthodoxy of ‘traditional’ security studies. Critical approaches apply post-positivist perspectives such as critical theory and post-structuralism and change the referent object of security.

Ole Waever and Barry Buzan along with other colleagues at the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute (COPRI) have introduced the concept of ‘securitization’ which emphasizes the role of threat discourses in the social construction of security.

Realism defines international relations in terms of power. The exercise of power by states toward each other is called power politics (Pevehouse and Goldstein, 2014). There are two main approaches of realism: classical realism that considers power politics in terms of egoism and neorealism, or structural realism, that explains power politics in terms of anarchy (Heywood, 2011).

Morgenthau outlines the “six principles of political realism” as follows:
• Politics is governed by objective laws which have their root in human nature.
• The key to understanding international politics is the concept of interest defined in terms of power.
• The forms and nature of state power will vary in time, place and context but the concept of interest remains consistent.
• Universal moral principles do not guide state behavior, although this does not rule out an awareness of the moral significance of political action.
• Moral aspirations are specific to a particular nation; there is no universally agreed set of moral principles.
• The political sphere is autonomous (Heywood, 2011).

Structural realism emphasizes four core elements of international politics:
• States are seen as rational actors and by far the most important actors in the international system.
• The international system is anarchic; there is no international authority that can prevent the use of force between states.
• Each state cannot take its security for granted and thus, is responsibleforensuring its own survival, most notably through the nurturing of material capabilities.
• The balance of power (the formation of alliances with certain states to counter the threat of other states) is the defining mechanism that regulates the international system and explains war and peace.

Self-help refers to a state’s reliance on its own capacities and resources, rather than external support, to ensure security and survival.

Security dilemma arises from the fact that  a build-up of military capacity for defensive
reasons by one state is always liable to be interpreted as aggressive by other states.

The concept of relative gains refers to the position of states in relation to one another, reflected in the distribution of benefits and capabilities between and amongst them.

Offensive realism is a form of structural realism that portrays states as ‘power maximizers’, as there is no limit to their desire to control the international
environment.

Defensive realism is a form of structural realism that views states as ‘security maximizers’, placing the desire to avoid attack above a bid for World power

British scholar Susan Strange (1996) offers Structural Power Thoeory and defines it as “the power to decide how things shall be done, the power to shape frameworks within which states relate to one another, relate to people or relate to corporate enterprises”. She distinguishes between four primary power structures:
• The knowledge structure, which influences actor’s beliefs, ideas or perceptions;
• The financial structure, which controls access to credit or investment;
• The security structure, which shapes defence and strategic issues;
• The production structure, which affects economic development and prosperity.

Referent Object: It is an object that is taken as the focus for analysis in security studies. As to this concept, there are two main approaches to the security: state-centric security (the state is the referent object) and human-centric approach (human is the referent object).

Traditional Security Studies: It refers to Realist, Liberal, Peace Studies and Strategic Studies perspectives in the study of security. All of them prioritize the state as the referent object of security and focus on military threats to the security of the state.

Broadening: The broadening security agenda refers to Barry Buzan’s sectoral analysis that the security agenda includes not only military sector issues but also political, economic, societal and environmental issues.

Deepening: The state is not only the referent object of security but it also includes human individuals, institutions and groups.

Positivism: It claims that social sciences can be built upon the same model as natural sciences. Scientific principles such as objectivity, verification/falsification, and generalization can adapt to the study of society.

Post-Positivism: It rejects the idea that it is possible to analyze the natural world and the social world in the same way. There is no objective view (Peoples and Vaughan-Williams, 2010:4).

Security regions can be regarded as miniature systems of international politics where all International Relations theories can be applied such as alliance theory, polarity, and balance of power etc. A regional security complex is is based on four components as follows:
1. Regional boundaries, which differentiate itself from its neighbors.
2. Regional anarchical system, which consists of two or three independents states
3. Power differences among countries in the region,
4. The patterns of amity and enmity (Buzan and Waever, 2003: 53).

Military Sector refers to the two-level interplay between the armed offensive capacity and defensive capabilities of states and their perceptions of each other’s intentions. It is about relationships of forceful coercion. Here the referent object can be states.

Political Sector means the regime type of states and their ideologies that provide them with legitimacy and authority. It is related to authority, governing status and recognition. In this sector, the referent object can be national sovereignty or an ideology. 

Economical Sector shows the welfare of the state and its access to natural resources and financial markets. It concerns trade, production, and finance. Its referent object refers to national economies.

Societal Sector relates to national identity, sustainable culture, customs, and religion. It is about relationships of collective identity. The referent object here is collective identities.

Environmental Sector includes the maintenance of the planetary biosphere. It refers to the relationship between human activity and planetary biosphere. Its referent object is species or habitats (Buzan, Waever, and Wilde, 1998: 8)

Thomas Hobbes is the writer of Leviathan.

Morgenthau outlines the “six principles of
political realism” as follows:
• Politics is governed by objective laws which
have their root in human nature.
• The key to understanding international
politics is the concept of interest defined in
terms of power.
• The forms and nature of state power will
vary in time, place and context but the
concept of interest remains consistent.
• Universal moral principles do not guide state
behavior, although this does not rule out
an awareness of the moral significance of
political action.
• Moral aspirations are specific to a particular
nation; there is no universally agreed set of
moral principles.
• The political sphere is autonomous
(Heywood, 2011).

Structural realism emphasizes four core
elements of international politics:
• States are seen as rational actors and
by far the most important actors in the
international system.
• The international system is anarchic;
there is no international authority that can
prevent the use of force between states.
• Each state cannot take its security for
granted and thus, is responsibleforensuring
its own survival, most notably through the
nurturing of material capabilities.
• The balance of power (the formation of
alliances with certain states to counter
the threat of other states) is the defining
mechanism that regulates the intern

Security dilemma arises from the fact that
a build-up of military capacity for defensive
reasons by one state is always liable to be
interpreted as aggressive by other states.
The concept of relative gains refers to the
position of states in relation to one another,
reflected in the distribution of benefits and
capabilities between and amongst them

Susan Strange  distinguishes between
four primary power structures:
• The knowledge structure, which influences
actor’s beliefs, ideas or perceptions;
• The financial structure, which controls
access to credit or investment;
• The security structure, which shapes defence
and strategic issues;
• The production structure, which affects
economic development and prosperity.

Bandwagon is to side with a stronger
power in the hope of increasing security and
influence; ‘jumping on the bandwagon’

Liberal institutionalism is an approach to
study that emphasizes the role of institutions (both
formal and informal) in the realization of liberal
principles and goals. Liberal institutionalism
rejects a realist argument that international
politics is a struggle for power in which military
security issues are the top priority. In fact, the chief
‘external’ mechanism that liberals believe is needed
to constrain the ambitions of sovereign states is
international organizations. This reflects the ideas
of what is called liberal institutionalism.

Hard power is the ability of one actor (usually
but not necessarily a state) to influence
another through the use of threats or
rewards, typically involving military ‘sticks’ or
economic ‘carrots’. Soft power is the ability to
influence other actors by persuading them to
follow or agree to norms and aspirations that
produce the desired behavior.

Referent Object: It is an object that is taken as
the focus for analysis in security studies. As to
this concept, there are two main approaches to
the security: state-centric security (the state is
the referent object) and human-centric approach
(human is the referent object).

Postmodernism is an intellectual tradition
that is based on the belief that truth is always
contested and plural; sometimes summed up as
‘incredulity towards metanarratives’ (Lyotard,
1984).