JEOPOLİTİK STRATEJİ - Deneme Sınavı - 5

In the post-Cold War era, the EU launched a new policy called the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership also referred to as the Barcelona Process, in an attempt to respond to the new geopolitical environment, while it decided to proceed with eastward enlargement in the face of successive accession applications by Central and Eastern European countries.

After the Cold War years when Europe was divided into two hostile parts, this geopolitical division ended and the geopolitical rivalry within and upon Europe seemed to disappear. Despite this however, it is possible to speak of a revival of geopolitics in the European context. This revival was not expected by many scholars, but was not surprising for Realist thinkers and political geographers. Actually the return of geopolitics was a response to the foreign policy identity crisis in many European countries. In some countries such as Russia, Italy, Turkey and France, this revival was quite obvious in many respects, but in others such as Germany, Sweden and the Czech Republic, this was not the case.

Enlargement and neighborhood policies were not part of the European integration project initially, but subsequently they have become the most important foreign policy tools of the EU. These tools have been developed in an effort to shape and integrate the geopolitical space surrounding the European core which consisted of the original six member states.

Enlargement and neighborhood policies were not part of the European integration project initially.

EU integration is currently encountering a great deal of state-based difficulties and challenges arising from the rise of nationalism, great power competition, and a lack of transatlantic solidarity, as well as non-state challenges including ISIS terrorism and illegal immigration.

Both China’s geopolitical ambitions under President Xi Jinping, and his Belt and Road initiative, and the Trump administration’s hostile America First attitude towards the EU will probably be a tough test for the EU’s foreign policy actorness in the near future.

The Ural range cannot be considered a natural dividing line separating these two adjacent regions despite the fact that it has been widely used for this purpose, and thus well established as a geopolitical boundary as exemplified in the common usage of “from the Atlantic to the Urals” in reference to Europe’s geographical identity. “The status, ascribed to the Urals, of a conventional frontier between Europe and Asia, is a human contrivance. We owe it to Tatichtchtev, the official geographer of Tsar Peter the Great, who hit on it at the start of the 18th Century for strictly political purposes. His goal at the time was for Moscow to be considered as a European city, for two reasons: firstly, to legitimate the strategy of alliance with resourcerich Western powers – notably military – liable to modernise the Empire; secondly, to legitimate a series of military victories against the Turks and the Tatars”. Therefore, the correct option is E.

In the late nineteenth century, the newly independent US entered into a rivalry with the colonial powers from Europe in an effort to minimise their power in the continent and establish its own influence in the region.

Starting from Roosevelt’s pre sidency, oil politics gradually shaped the contours of US foreign policy toward oil-rich countries in the region, such as Mexico and Venezuela.

The U.S took all the actions listed against communism.

Latin American states pursued Third-Worldism, which emerged as an alternative to allying with the communist East or liberal West. The Latin American regions increasingly sought cooperation with those states in the realm of economic development and foreign policy based on the concept of South–South Cooperation.

As new security threats, such as drug trafficking, organised crime and illegal migration emerged, Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean region constituted the main strategic areas for the US’s national strategy (Manero, 2007: 36–38).

Beyond the ideological differences between the Republicans and the Democrats, the US administrations saw the promotion of the free market model and liberal democracy as part of the main components of the US’s security strategy.

The Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) was created in 1991 by Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.

They diversified their foreign relations beyond their traditional alliances with North America and Western Europe.

Chile built friendly relations with the US and embraced free trade, whereas Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela were fierce opponents of the US and its free trade policies.

In 2004, Venezuela and Cuba initiated ALBA.

The Panama Canal, which connects the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and established a protectorate in Panama.

Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Good Neighbour Policy, adopted in 1933, was intended to strengthen the US’s predominance in the region while emphasising the principles of non-intervention on the surface.