DÜNYA İLİŞKİLERİNDE AVRUPA BİRLİĞİ

The founding of the European Economic Community (EEC) with the entry into force of the Treaty of Rome in 1958 marked a key step in the creation of what is now the EU.

At the time, a customs union was created through the EEC among the six original member states: West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg.

At the time, a customs union was created through the EEC among the six original member states: West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg.

In the beginning of the 1990s, the deepening of market integration and the momentous geopolitical shift in guise of the end to the Cold War both contributed to the creation of the European Union (EU) through the Maastricht Treaty in 1993.

The EU and the US are thus both essential components of the liberal world order.

In connection with this transition, Francis Fukuyama famously expressed the idea in The End of History and the Last Man that liberal democracy and market economy had settled all ideological battles about which model of society can best meet the needs of humanity.

But at the same time, Brexit is impairing coherence and capacity in the EU because when the UK leaves, it will take military and diplomatic capacity with it out of the EU, while widening differences in values in the EU are exacerbating the risk of schisms among the member states.

In conclusion, the authors present what they consider an important recommendation: the EU should first and foremost take vigorous action to defend the multilateral trading system. In other words, the EU should work to “Make the WTO Great Again,” in harmony with continued initiatives towards ambitious bilateral and regional agreements.

The authors argue that the EU presented a strong, united front in the process leading up to the Paris Agreement, but there are clear differences in terms of both ambition and approach in the actual climate change policies of EU member states, is due to variation in political culture, values, and political institutions in European countries.

In the ninth chapter of the book by Sofie Blombäck, populism -as a challenge to the EU and democracy in Europe- is analyzed. Even though populism as a phenomenon has received a great deal of attention lately, there is no consensus, in political debate or in social science research, as to how it should be defined.

The founding of the European Economic Community (EEC) with the entry into force of the Treaty of Rome in 1958 marked a key step in the creation of what is now the EU. At the time, a customs union was created through the EEC among the six original member states: West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg. Following the creation of the customs union, the EEC also crafted a common external trade policy. The customs union and the trade policy can both be regarded as important components of the US post–World War II goal of promoting economic exchange between the countries in the “free” (western) world. Another important dimension of the European external trade policy was the possibilities it offered countries like France, Belgium, and the Netherlands to maintain economic influence over the former colonies in Africa and Asia as well as to uphold the responsibility for ensuring efficient trade with these countries through the establishment of trade and cooperation agreements. In the beginning of the 1990s, the deepening of market integration and the momentous geopolitical shift in guise of the end to the Cold War both contributed to the creation of the European Union (EU) through the Maastricht Treaty in 1993.

The European integration process and the role of the EU in the emerging liberal order were thus entwined from the outset, and in that sense the process of market integration in Europe and the regulation of international trade can be regarded, from a European perspective, as two sides of the same coin. But European integration has obviously not only served a strictly economic purpose. The safeguarding of liberal democracy in Europe has been equally important. The US and the EU have not always seen eye-to-eye on foreign and security policy, and they have tended to put economic and political considerations above their inclination to defend human rights around the world. The EU and the US are thus both essential components of the liberal world order. The question of whether this world order is still viable is therefore crucial, as is the question of what the EU can do to safeguard important advances on the international level.

With the Maastricht Treaty, the Union’s foreign and security policy role was strengthened. In the major geopolitical shift in the early 1990s caused by the fall of the Soviet Union, the EU’s role became more explicitly to promote security and stability in Europe, but this time in relation to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.

The EU is therefore expected to assume special responsibility for disseminating values such as human rights, democracy, rule of law, and international law, as well as principles of global governance, such as multilateralism and a rule based international system.

Fägersten develops a framework of analysis that stipulates that a collective actor needs coherence (consensus), capacity (resources for pursuing policy), and context (a permissive setting). He argues that the EU is in some areas being strengthened by the prevailing turbulence.

Cramér describes four trends in international trade that will inevitably be strengthened by Brexit and the Trump administration’s international trade policy agenda. In short, these trends involve higher prioritization of bilateral trade agreements combined with weaker multilateral regulation within the framework of the WTO and accelerated use of trade policy protection measures, which risk leading to a general increase in protectionism.

… changing world order in the form of a new US trade policy, the British withdrawal from the EU, and China’s increasingly prominent place in the international arena. In light of this, the authors consider various possible alternatives for the EU’s external trade policy. In conclusion, the authors present what they consider an important recommendation: the EU should first and foremost take vigorous action to defend the multilateral trading system. In other words, the EU should work to “Make the WTO Great Again,” in harmony with continued initiatives towards ambitious bilateral and regional agreements.

New economic powers have emerged on the scene in recent years and, along with declining economic power and diminishing emissions reductions in the EU, the Union no longer retains the prominent position in international climate change negotiations it had historically. With an increasing number of economic players in the game, it has become more difficult to achieve binding climate agreements that all parties perceive as fair. With the Paris Agreement, the international community has reached a compromise, but at the expense of clear burden sharing of emissions reductions.

The authors argue that a successful integration policy in EU member states must employ several different instruments with regard to aspects including wage formation, social transfers, and investments in education.

In the ninth chapter of the book by Sofie Blombäck, populism -as a challenge to the EU and democracy in Europe- is analyzed.