DÜNYA İLİŞKİLERİNDE AVRUPA BİRLİĞİ - Deneme Sınavı - 7

The founding of the European Economic Community (EEC) with the entry into force of the Treaty of Rome in 1958 marked a key step in the creation of what is now the EU.

At the time, a customs union was created through the EEC among the six original member states: West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg.

At the time, a customs union was created through the EEC among the six original member states: West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg.

In the beginning of the 1990s, the deepening of market integration and the momentous geopolitical shift in guise of the end to the Cold War both contributed to the creation of the European Union (EU) through the Maastricht Treaty in 1993.

The EU and the US are thus both essential components of the liberal world order.

In connection with this transition, Francis Fukuyama famously expressed the idea in The End of History and the Last Man that liberal democracy and market economy had settled all ideological battles about which model of society can best meet the needs of humanity.

But at the same time, Brexit is impairing coherence and capacity in the EU because when the UK leaves, it will take military and diplomatic capacity with it out of the EU, while widening differences in values in the EU are exacerbating the risk of schisms among the member states.

In conclusion, the authors present what they consider an important recommendation: the EU should first and foremost take vigorous action to defend the multilateral trading system. In other words, the EU should work to “Make the WTO Great Again,” in harmony with continued initiatives towards ambitious bilateral and regional agreements.

The authors argue that the EU presented a strong, united front in the process leading up to the Paris Agreement, but there are clear differences in terms of both ambition and approach in the actual climate change policies of EU member states, is due to variation in political culture, values, and political institutions in European countries.

In the ninth chapter of the book by Sofie Blombäck, populism -as a challenge to the EU and democracy in Europe- is analyzed. Even though populism as a phenomenon has received a great deal of attention lately, there is no consensus, in political debate or in social science research, as to how it should be defined.

According to our book, Europe and European integration are undeniably going through a phase of geopolitical turbulence.

According to the textbook, The United Kingdom’s decision to leave the EU (so-called Brexit) on the basis of a referendum and the election of Donald J. Trump
as President of the United States have shaken the pillars that support the
international and European order.

According to our textbook, "John Ikenberry (2014) argues that a stable world order requires three things: support from a strong enough powerbase represented by one or more states; that the rules and institutions of the order must enjoy a certain degree of legitimacy; and that the order must resolve collective problems and/or offer benefits to actors in the order."

According to our textbook, "US presidential candidate Hillary Clinton hoped that the defunct Transatlantic Free Trade Agreement (TTIP) would become an “economic NATO”."

According to our tetbook, Viewed from a European horizon, the EU as an actor has thus been surrounded by two formative dimensions in the liberal order: the European nation state and US hegemony.

According to our book, In 1998, US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright warned of “discrimination, disconnection, duplication” if the EU conducted its own security policy.

The EU’s actorness is analyzed in THREE concepts: coherence, capacity and context., capacity and context.

According to our book, "With regard to Brexit, the effect has been to unite the remaining member states, at least in relation to the UK and the negotiations."

According to our book, "Capacity is the combination of resources a collective actor can draw on to achieve its foreign and security policy aims."

According to our book, "It can also be assumed that the shift from a globalization paradigm to a greater role for geopolitical logic will have an asymmetric effect on Europe and, in the long run, its actorness."